A comment from Roger Buck on my series of posts about an ideal Ireland-- in which he wondered about the Chesterbelloc's connection to Ireland-- has led me to repost this little talk I gave to our Chesterton Society five years ago. For some reason the italics stopped working about half-way through, so that's why book titles are unitalicized:
Since
this is the GK Chesterton Society of Ireland, there could be hardly a
subject more appropriate than Chesterton and Ireland. Unfortunately the
subject is a vast one, and far beyond my capacities, so all I can offer
here is a few observations.
Ireland
played an important role in Chesterton’s life. His most famous literary
creation, the detective-priest father Brown, was based upon an Irish
Catholic priest, Father John O’Connor—the very priest who received
Chesterton into the Catholic Church in 1922. The ceremony took place in a
shed with a corrugated tin roof, since Battersea—where Chesterton
lived—had no Catholic Church of its own.
Another
Irishman who played an important part in Chesterton’s life was George
Bernard Shaw, who was an intellectual opponent and a much-esteemed
friend. Chesterton and Shaw admired each other immensely, though they
disagreed on almost every subject imaginable. Shaw said of Chesterton:
“He was a man of colossal genius.” Chesterton said of Shaw: “ It is
necessary to disagree with him as much as I do, in order to admire him
as much as I do; and I am proud of him as a foe even more than as a
friend.”
W.B.
Yeats was another Irish writer who Chesterton admired immensely and
often quoted, often in passing and without attribution—which is surely
the best form of tribute to any writer. He described him as “by far the
greatest poet who has written in English for decades”.
And
to borrow the title of one Yeats’s works, it may be argued that
Chesterton viewed Ireland as 'the land of heart’s desire'. Ireland was, it
may be said, an embodiment of everything he admired—it was a piously
Catholic country, it was a land of small farmers that had been
relatively untouched by industrialisation and big business, and it was
small.
To
take the first point first. Chesterton had a love of smallness that is a
running motif throughout all his work. In probably his greatest book,
the little volume of apologetics called Orthodoxy, he complains of those
scientifically-minded secularists who rhapsodise about the size of the
universe, saying:
These
people professed that the universe was one coherent thing; but they
were not fond of the universe. But I was frightfully fond of the
universe and wanted to address it by a diminutive. I often did so; and
it never seemed to mind. Actually and in truth I did feel that these dim
dogmas of vitality were better expressed by calling the world small
than by calling it large. For about infinity there was a sort of
carelessness which was the reverse of the fierce and pious care which I
felt touching the pricelessness and the peril of life. They showed only a
dreary waste; but I felt a sort of sacred thrift. For economy is far
more romantic than extravagance. To them stars were an unending income
of halfpence; but I felt about the golden sun and the silver moon as a
schoolboy feels if he has one sovereign and one shilling.
In
his much-admired novel, The Napoleon of Notting Hill—incidentally, this
was said to be a book that Michael Collins admired—he evokes a London
divided into tiny principalities, and his pleasure in describing the
flags and heraldry and cermonies they employ is obvious. He was a
staunch defender of the family, and a lifelong enemy of Imperialism. One
of his famous tropes was the story of St. George fighting the dragon.
His famous long poem, The Ballad of the White Horse, describes the
battle of King Alfred against the Danes. It is perhaps significant that
this occurred at a time when Christian England had shrunk to a portion
of the country, the rest of it occupied by the Danelaw of the pagans. It
is irreverent to suppose that Chesterton secretly wished to trim a
dozen or counties so from the edges of England, but he was a lifelong
Little Englander—in the best sense of that term—and he was opposed to
the Empire not only for the oppression it inflicted on other peoples,
but for the unwelcome grandeur and pomp it bestowed on his own country.
To Chesterton, the true England was the England of Chaucer, not the
England of Kipling and Sir Henry Newbolt. It should be remembered that
his opposition to Imperialism, which we presume would be de rigeur to an
intellectual, came at a time when British Imperialism was highly
respectable amongst the cultured classes—even progressive writers like
Sidney Webb and George Bernard Shaw often supported imperialism, seeing
it as a step towards the collectivism of their dreams.
Chesterton
came to prominence during the Boer War, when he went against the
current of national opinion—both the Liberal and Conservative parties,
along with most intellectuals, supported the war. Chesterton, an unknown
young journalist at the time, hated the jingoism and triumphalism that
the war unleashed amongst the English people. He believed that moneyed
interests had driven England to go to war against the South African
republics. The parallels with Anglo-Irish history are obvious—and it
should also be noted that Chesterton was raised in a liberal family who
would have been firm supporters of Gladstone and Irish Home Rule.
This
love of smallness might seem in contradiction to the second aspect of
Ireland that Chesterton admired—its Catholicism. Catholicism is anything
but a minority faith, and Protestant England could successfully pose
for many centuries as St. George against the Dragon of Catholic Europe.
Even though Chesterton, as I have mentioned, did not convert to the
Catholic Church until 1922—when he was forty-eighy years old, and after
about two decades of championing Christianity against all comers—all of
his works are so Catholic in tone that Catholic readers might be
surprised to realize that his road to Rome stretched so long. He had a
lifelong devotion to the Blessed Virgin, which his biographer and Maisie
Ward described as “chronic”, writing odes to her even in his Unitarian
boyhod. He was an outspoken admirer of England’s medieval and
pre-Reformation past.
When
he first became a Christian, Chesterton assumed a position much like
C.S. Lewis’s “mere Christianity”. In Orthodoxy, written in 1908, he
wrote: "These
essays are concerned only to discuss the actual fact that the central
Christian theology (sufficiently summarized in the Apostles' Creed) is
the best root of energy and sound ethics. They are not intended to
discuss the very fascinating but quite different question of what is the
present seat of authority for the proclamation of that creed.”
But
that question is inescapable, and it seems surprising that so bold a
thinker as Chesterton remained an Anglican, since all his instincts
seemed to propel him towards the Catholic Church. There has been almost
as much speculation on the reasons for this hesitation as there has been
on Hamlet’s tardiness in bumping off his uncle. Many say that the
principal reason was his beloved wife Frances’s Anglo-Catholicism;
Chesterton feared his conversion would grieve her. In fact, she followed
him into the Church some years later (entirely on her own initative,
she insisted). Another reason given is that Chesterton—who for all his
willingness to castigate his home country, even writing a book titled
the Crimes of England,
was passionately patriotic—considered Catholicism to be an unEnglish
religion. (If we find this a rather feeble reason, we may note that the
English writer Peter Hitchens, whose recent book The Rage Against the God
has been well-reviewed in Catholic circles, has given much the same
reason for remaining an Anglican, despite his dissatisfaction with the
modernising spirit in Anglicanism.)
In
any case, the point is that even before his eventual conversion,
Chesterton was an essentially Catholic writer, and here is another
fascination that Ireland held for him. But it wasn’t just the majority
denomination of Ireland that appealed to him. It was the piety of the
people. All his life Chesterton praised and appealed to the common man
above all cliques and elites—one of his anthologies of essays even bears
the title The Common Man. But he was well aware that the common man in
England was, already by the time he was writing, not a practicing
Christian. The common man of Ireland, on the contrary, was.
In
his critical study of Chaucer, Chesterton lamented this difference
between medieval England and modern England—a degeneration from an
objective, public religion held by all to a subjective, private religion
held by some. He wrote:
"This
is perhaps the deepest difference between medieval and modern life, and
the difference is so great that many never imagine it, because it is
impossible to describe it. We may even say that the modern world is more
religious, because the religious are more religious….But we may be
practically certain that if there is a modern man like the Miller of the
Reeve, he has not got any religion at all. He certainly would not go on
a religious pilgrimage, or perform any religious duty at all…the modern
problem is more and more the problem of keeping the company together at
all; and the company was kept together because it was going to
Canterbury."
However,
in 1932, Chesterton attended the Eucharistic Congress in Dublin, and
witnessed a living display of popular piety. In a slim volume on the
subject, titled Christendom in Dublin, he wrote:
"Nobody
who was been in Dublin for a week as I have been during the Eucharistic
Congress can doubt that Ireland is passionately religious; and
especially that the Irish populace is passionately religious….Nobody who
has lived in England all his life, as I have lived in England, can
doubt that modern England, with its many manly and generous virtues, has
become largely indifferent to religion."
In his book on George Bernard Shaw, he could write, in the same vein::
"The
average autochthonous Irishman is close to patriotism because he is
close to the earth; he is close to domesticity because he is close to
the earth; he is close to doctrinal theology and elaborate ritual
because he is close to the earth. In short, he is close to the heavens
because he is close to the earth."
How melancholy it is to read those words today, and feel the transformation that has occurred.
The
third characteristic of Ireland that endeared it to Chesterton was its
preponderance of small farms. We are so used to seeing this aspect of
Ireland’s history satirised, as a source of greed, loneliness and
narrow-mindedness—for instance, in The Field by
John B. Keane—that it might be surprising to learn that Chesterton,
along with many of his contemporaries, hailed it as the ideal economic
system. For many years he edited The Distributist Review.
The philosophy of distributism was sometimes compressed into the slogan
“three acres and a cow” for every citizen. It was as hostile to big
business as it was to socialism, and advocated the widest distributism
of property feasible. In his book Irish Impressions,
Chesterton describes travelling down a road in the North-West of the
country, and noticing that the harvest on the right side of the road,
which consisted of small farms, was neatly gathered, while the harvest
on the left side of the road, a large modern estate, was “rotting in the
rain”. He wrote:
"Now
I do, as a point of personal opinion, believe that the right side of
the road was really the right side of the road. That is, I believe it
represented the right side of the question; that these little pottering
peasants had got hold of the true secret, which is missed both by
Capitalism and Collectivism."
But
Chesterton’s solicitude for Ireland when further than mere admiration.
As a patriotic Englishman, he admitted to a sense of vicarious guilt
when it came to England’s past in Ireland. In his essay “Paying for
Patriotism”, which argues that a patriot should feel shame for his
country’s misdeeds as well as pride in its achievements, he ironically
wrote:
"It
is quite true that it was not I, G. K. Chesterton, who pulled the beard
of an Irish chieftain by way of social introduction; it was John
Plantagenet, afterwards King John; and I was not present. It was not I,
but a much more distinguished literary gent, named Edmund Spenser, who
concluded on the whole that the Irish had better be exterminated like
vipers; nor did he even ask my advice on so vital a point. I never stuck
a pike through an Irish lady for fun, after the siege of Drogheda, as
did the God-fearing Puritan soldiers of Oliver Cromwell. Nobody can find
anything in my handwriting that contributes to the original drafting of
the Penal Laws; and it is a complete mistake to suppose that I was
called to the Privy Council when it decided upon the treacherous
breaking of the Treaty of Limerick. I never put a pitchcap on an Irish
rebel in my life; and there was not a single one of the thousand
floggings of '98 which I inflicted or even ordered."
But
for all Chesterton’s generosity towards the Irish, he was not an
uncritical admirer of this country’s political and intellectual life.
One notion that drew his satire was the cult of the Celt, which was very
fashionable at the time he was writing. In Celts and Celtophiles, he
wrote:
"It
is impossible to hear without impatience of the attempt so constantly
made among her modern sympathizers to talk about Celts and Celticism.
Who were the Celts? I defy anybody to say. Who are the Irish? I defy any
one to be indifferent, or to pretend not to know. Mr. W. B. Yeats, the
great Irish genius who has appeared in our time, shows his own admirable
penetration in discarding altogether the argument from a Celtic race.
But he does not wholly escape, and his followers hardly ever escape, the
general objection to the Celtic argument."
To Chesterton, a nation was a spiritual entity, while a race was merely a pesudo-scientific construct.
Considering
Chesterton’s sympathy with Irish national opinion, it might be a
surprise to learn that his longest Irish-themed book, Irish Impressions,
published in 1919, drew on Chesterton’s attemps to recruit Irish men
into the British Army during the Great War. Chesterton was an
enthusiastic supporter of World War One, and remained one until his
death. Given Ireland’s massive hostility towards conscription, it is
perhaps indicative of Chesterton’s popularity in Ireland that he was
treated, as his book shows, with courtesy.
Chesterton
himself described the idea of Irish conscription as “rank raving
madness”; and yet he still appealed to the Irish to volunteer in what he
say as a defence of European civilization. He wrote: “If the Irish were
what Cromwell thought they were, they might well confine their
attention to Hell and Connaught, and have no sympathy to spare for
France. But if the Irish are what Wolfe Tone thought they were, they
must be interested in France, as he was interested in France. In short,
if the Irish are barbarians, they need not trouble about other
barbarians sacking the cities of the world; but if they are citizens,
they must trouble about the cities that are sacked”. Even today, despite
the best efforts of historical revisionism, I think this is an argument
that would find few sympathizers in Ireland.
He
described the Easter Rising in the same book as “a black and insane
blunder”, since the Irish had attacked the British Empire at the one
moment when its cause happened to be just. “Does anybody”, he wrote,
“want to be fixed for ever on the wrong side of the Battle of Marathon,
through a quarrel with some Archon whose very name is forgotten?”.
Considering the verdict of history on World War One, we may now find a
rather bitter irony in the rhetorical question.
But,
like all great authors, Chesterton is doomed to be reduced to a handful
of familiar quotations; and of all the books and articles he wrote upon
Ireland, all that seems certain to endure is the puckish quatrain from
the Ballad of the White Horse;
For the great Gaels of Ireland
Are the men that God made mad
For all their wars are merry
And all their songs are sad.